Party System and Dynamics in Tanzania

Party System and Dynamics in Tanzania Over the course of history, political scientists have attempted to create social laws that can explain and predict how government functions. One of the most famous examples of this law is Duvergers Law. Duvergers Law proposes that FPTP (first-past-the-post) electoral systems produce party systems in which two major parties competitively vie for power. This hypothesis comes from the definition of winning used in electoral systems. Since winning is defined as getting as many votes as possible to gain a majority vote (+50%), it is only natural that two major parties emerge (Riker 1982). However, looking at the case of the African country, Tanzania, Duvergers Law is not clearly applicable and the lines defining major parties become muddled. In short, the law does not hold in this specific case and should be discarded when examining Tanzanian politics. To examine the party system and dynamics in Tanzania, one must look closely at the circumstances concerning its inception. After gaining independence from the UK, Tanzania was ruled by a single party known as TANU, after the party intimidated all other parties to extinction in 1963 (Ngasongwa, 1992). However, the 2nd president of Tanzania of the CCM Party, Ali Hassan Mwinyi, formed a commission known as the Nyalali Commission which amended the constitution in 1992 and allowed any political party to run for presidency (Tambila 1995). This ushered a multi-party political system along with more varied competition into the country. However, looking superficially at election data from 1992 onwards, a single party, the CCM, dominates Tanzanian election polls. Since 1992, the party wins the presidential and legislative elections with a margin of more than 60%, even reaching almost 80% in the 2005 presidential elections. This means that 20% to 40% of the votes are divided between the lesser parties (Elections in Tanzania 2011). This considerable discrepancy puts a serious limitation on the application of Duvergers Law on the country. There is virtually no other party competing with the CCM and one cannot help but wonder if Tanzania is slowly returning to a state with an informal one party system. Duvergers Law fails to explain Tanzanias current political party system for two reasons: Tanzania is not a multi-party system, but instead is a single party system feigning democracy. Duvergers Law fails to account for the various political pressures and institutions that affect the way a country is run. It does not consider corruption, pressures exerted by foreign governments, conditional foreign aid, and postcolonial legacies that insidiously affect politics. Tanzanias dysfunctional party system becomes clearer when looking at the results of the 2005 presidential election where CCM faced the biggest threat to its power. Polling lower than ever before, they narrowly won the Tanzanian Presidential elections with 58.46% of the vote. In Zanzibar (an autonomous entity part of Tanzania), leader of the opposition party CUF announced that he won the vote over CCM. What followed was bizarre. The chairman of the Zanzibar Electoral Committee annulled the vote and in the following election, the CCM won more than 90% of the votes along with most of the legislative seats offered. With limitations on opposing political parties and increasingly restrictive free speech (Tanzanian government threatened to suspend 30 news outlets and closed another two), Tanzanian politics now carries an undemocratic atmosphere (Roop, Weghorst 2016). Two factors can explain this strange turn into an arguably undemocratic country. The opposition is weak and disorganized and the CCM is viewed as a benevolent political party by the citizens, thus weakening any resolve for change. Also, the opposition lacks the resources available to the CCM and the CCM has plenty tactics to employ to suppress opposition. According to Hoffman and Robinson, The CCM employs three strategies to impede its competitors: 1) regulating political competition, the media, and civil society; 2) blurring the boundary between the party and state; and 3) the targeted use of blatantly coercive illegal actions (2009). Such practices directly conflict with the characterization of Tanzania as a democratic state. Hoffman and Robinson corroborate this and argue that Tanzania is now a single party authoritarian regime. If Tanzania is not a democratic state and only has one party, then Duvergers Law is automatically out of the question. However, if CCM is really that authoritarian, why would it be the party responsible for turning Tanzania into a multi-party system? The answer to this question is also the answer to why Duvergers Law cannot be applicable in cases where there are many complex political forces at play. In Samuel Huntingtons book, The Third Wave (1991), he argues for transplacement which is when a ruling party initiates a certain change and molds the rules to its benefit. This is arguably what CCM did. In another dimension, according to Nyirabu in a kindlier assessment, the CCMs top leaders saw that democracy was sweeping the world and decided that Tanzania should also welcome it with open arms, since there would be no point in resisting global change (2002). Although a beautiful and open invitation, it is not that simple. Tanzanias foreign aid must be considered when looking at its turn into democracy. It is in this key point where Duvergers Law also fails. Tanzania was receiving more than 30% of the countrys GDP in foreign aid. The donors were pressuring the ruling party, CCM, to accept a democratic system that allowed multiple parties to exist in the political sphere (Hoffman, Robinson 2009). Thus, the meddling and pressure on CCM helped shape the party nature present in Tanzania today by giving CCM the incentive it needed to create a political institution where it reigns supreme. Duvergers Law also fails because it does not consider the attitudes of the people of Tanzania. According to a 2008 Afrobarometer survey, 90% of respondents said they felt closest to the CCM party and 76% of respondents said if elections were to be held soon, they would vote for the CCM party. This complacence with authority has colonial roots. As argued by Schneider, Tanzanian political imagination is corrupted with colonial images where citizens constantly compare their current situation to their much-worse situation during colonialism. State elites and officials also construct a paternal and nationalistic image for themselves that makes citizens see themselves as wards of a loving state (2006). This recalling of colonial roots explains why CCM is the most popular party and how corruption of states goes unquestioned. Finally, Duvergers Law gives a uniquely Western perspective on politics that knows nothing of colonialism and ethnolinguistic divisions that occur during and after colonialism. To apply such a social law on a country that has been deeply affected by its colonialist past would be unwise. As argued by Mozaffar, Scarritt, and Galaich (2003) and van de Walle (2003), African democratic countries have deep ethnolinguistic challenges that cause party splintering per patronage, regardless of agenda or principles. Parties are divided according to history, clientelism and man-made institutions colonialist legacy imposes, such as race and favor, that can cause a huge shift in public opinion, party systems and opposition formation. Colonialism also leaves postcolonial countries in a dearth of political consciousness that is required to form healthy oppositional groups. It leaves countries with none of the experience needed to sustain a free and democratic country that entertains freedom (Bernhar d, Weghorst 2014). Although these criteria are not directly applicable to Tanzania, they are important limitations to Duvergers Law and must be taken into account, nonetheless. While Duvergers Law is useful in predicting political patterns, the theory fails to account for many important aspects in political parties development. This is seen especially in the case of Tanzania, where the Law is not clearly upheld. Duvergers Law speaks more closely to Western experiences where stable and long-living political climates pervade. Amending the law to fit Tanzania would require much introspective analysis of other political factors that shape the countrys party dynamics. Also, the law can only apply to countries that have a flourishing democratic system with oppositional parties and this is not the apparent case with Tanzania. References Elections in Tanzania. Elections in Tanzania. N.p., March april 2011. Web. 24 Mar. 2017. Hoffman, Barak, and Lindsay Robinson. Tanzanias Missing Opposition. Journal of Democracy 20.4 (2009): 123-36. Web. Huntington, Samuel P. The third wave: democratization in the late twentieth century. Norman: U of Oklahoma Press, 1993. Print. Mozaffar, Shaheen, James R. Scarritt, and Glen Galaich. Electoral Institutions, Ethnopolitical Cleavages, and Party Systems in Africas Emerging Democracies. American Political Science Review 97.03 (2003): 379-90. Web. Ngasongwa, Juma. Tanzania introduces a multià ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ party system. Review of African Political Economy 19.54 (1992): 112-16. Web. Nyirabu, Mohabe. The Multiparty Reform Process in Tanzania: The Dominance of the Ruling Party. African Journal of Political Science 7.2 (2002): 99-112. Web. Riker, William H. The Two-Party System and Duvergers Law: An Essay on the History of Political Science. The American Political Science Review 76.4 (1982): 753-66. Web. Roop, Sterling, and Keith Weghorst. The 2015 National Elections in Tanzania. Electoral Studies 43 (2016): 190-94. Web. Schneider, Leander. Colonial Legacies and Postcolonial Authoritarianism in Tanzania: Connects and Disconnects. African Studies Review 49.01 (2006): 93-118. Web. Tambila, K. I. The Transition to Multiparty Democracy in Tanzania: Some History and Missed Opportunities. Law and Politics in Africa, Asia and Latin America 28.4 (1995): 468-88. Web. Walle, Nicolas Van De. Presidentialism and clientelism in Africas emerging party systems. The Journal of Modern African Studies 41.2 (2003): 297-321. Web. Weghorst, Keith R., and Michael Bernhard. From Formlessness to Structure? The Institutionalization of Competitive Party Systems in Africa. Comparative Political Studies 47.12 (2014): 1707-737. Web. Outline: Introduction Brief introduction to social laws and hypotheses Insert Duvergers Law definition from paper handout Briefly explain the law in detail Reference Rikers analyses regarding majority vote and FPTP systems. If winning is defined as the most votes, that is, as a plurality, then one might reasonably expect a two-party system owing to the necessity under this definition of maximiz- ing votes. (Riker, 1982) Mention case study: Tanzania Thesis: Duvergers law doesnt work in the case of Tanzania Body 1st paragraph: Explaining Tanzanian transition to multi-partism. Mention 8th Constitution amendment Explain historical context regarding Tanzanian political history. Ngasongwas 1992 paper on TANUs hold on Tanzania Tambilas 1995 paper on hopeful Tanzanian transition to actual democracy. 2nd paragraph: Mention election data from 1992 Mention discrepancy with data and that CCM dominates the election polls 3rd paragraph: Why Duvergers Law fails: Tanzania is not democratic and is a single party state Duvergers law is largely Eurocentric and does not take into account the various challenges non-Western countries go through 4th paragraph: Explain first failure of Duvergers Law with failed Zanzibar elections and restricting free speech 5th paragraph: Factors that cause this: CCM viewed as savior Weak, disorganized opposition with zero resources Explain oppositional lack of resources and CCMs abundant wealth. Hoffman and Robinsons paper 6th paragraph: Explain how CCM could both be the original usher of democracy and an oppressor Transplacement concept 7th paragraph: Foreign aids effect on transplacement Why CCM transitioned to democratic state (to continue foreign aid receival and ensure power) 8th paragraph: Attitudes of people towards CCM Colonial images haunting peoples outlook Schneiders paper Paternal image of officials How this affects CCMs rise of power and continuous consolidation of it 9th paragraph: Colonial effects on oppositional formation No knowledge of how to run democratic state Deep fissures in society Deep ethnolinguistic problems Opposition divided based on bloodlines Mention Mozaffer and Bernhard papers referencing this dilemma Duvergers Law=largely Eurocentric Conclusion Duvergers Law not applicable to Tanzania for above reasons Amendment would require in depth work

Are Economic Policies of India Better Than That of China, Japan or Usa? Essay

Are economic policies of India better than that of China, Japan or USA? When we talk about the economic policy, USA and China forms the two extreme ends of a curve. USA has a free and liberal market where government interference is negligible and believes that market forces will cater to all needs of people in optimum quantity and price, as per Adam Smith’s theory. While, couple of decades ago China was a firm communist country. Though now, it has liberalized market, government has significant say and control over each and every activity. In comparison, India has balanced market where government interferes when needed. This kind of policy is way better than that of USA and China as it takes care of people along with market. Also, it stops the companies if they indulge into cartel or monopoly. Economic policy of a country consists of mainly two policies viz. a) Fiscal Policy – is determined by government and decides government expenditures, taxes, and debt. It is long term in nature and determines the progress path of economy. b) Monetary Policy – is generally determined by central bank of that country and uses instruments like Repo Rates and OMOs to control liquidity. It is short term in nature and used for controlling vital market rates. Fiscal Policy of USA: Till date the driver of US economy was high capital expenditure and Exports. However, after 2008 crisis there had been fall in exports. Also, there was cut in tax rate till 31st December 2012, tax rates cannot be increased as it might trigger recession. So due to increase in government borrowing, Fiscal deficit for the year 2007-08 was increased to 5.3% of the GDP. Before 2008 crisis fiscal deficit was controllable on account of revenue earned by capital expenditure and export in the economy. However, after crisis there has been very low investment in the economy of the country with very high Fiscal Deficit. Fiscal deficit for the year 2011-12 was 8.7 percent of GDP. Fiscal Policy of Japan: Japanese economy, of $ 5.86 trillion is third largest in the world, suffers from very high government debt. It has debt/GDP to ratio of 229.77% for the year 2010-11 which is very high with a debt of $13.64 trillion. Although, there had been attempts to reduce public debts by fiscal consolidation but they have never succeeded yet and debt continued to increase. Further, Japanese economy is under recession due to fall in its currency which had hit its exports. Also, the biggest markets for Japan exports are UK and US which had been hit by global slowdown. Fiscal Policy of China: China is the world’s second largest economy GDP of $ 8.20 trillion with growth rate of 7.8%. Chinese fiscal policy has been based mostly on manufacturing and exports but there is very low domestic consumption. Government spend highly in infrastructure and other capital expenditure projects to boost economy, But some of them failed due to lack of demand and results in â€Å"Ghost cities†. Being an export driven economy, it got affected by global slowdown as it depends highly on demand from western countries. Fiscal policy of India: In contrast, Indian direct tax rates are stable. Budget outlay by government has been increased from Rs.4.16 lacs crores for the year 2008-09 to Rs.5.92 lacs crores for the year 2011-12 which is very high considering that post 2008 world was suffering from crises. Indian Fiscal policies are changing in conformity with the current global requirement – FDI in retail, Aviation, Reforms in banking sector, proposing GST. Although, fiscal deficit of India is very high currently targeted at 5.3% of the GDP for the year 2012-13, fiscal consolidation measures have been planned to bring it down to 3% of the GDP for the year 2014-15. Following graphs show the trend in GDP and Fiscal deficit of different economies and how India is faring way better than with its economic policies. Graph 1: GDP growth Rates(in %) Data: worldbank.org Graph 2: Fiscal deficits (% of GDP) Data: worldbank.org Monetary Policy Currently the interest rate in USA is kept at 0.25 percent by Federal Reserve. Similarly in Japan, Bank of Japan is keeping the interest rate at 0 percent. Now as you can see both economies are developed one, but bank rates are lowered to minimum extent, hence they can’t be lowered more. So according to Keynesian theory these economies are in â€Å"liquidity trap†. Liquidity trap is a condition in which lower rates do not inspire borrowing for investments etc. Here by getting trapped in liquidity trap both countries lose one of the main weapons to fight against the recession and inflation. Now coming to developing countries like China and India. In China current interest rates is at 6%. Rates are controlled by The People’s Bank of China. Similarly in India interest rate is averaged at 6.55 percent for last decade, now standing at 7.50 percent. As Reserve Bank of India(RBI) has a sufficient cushion to work on, RBI used it very well first to increase liquidity by lowering it to 4.25% in Jan 2010 and then to curb inflation in later part of 2011 and early part of 2012 by increasing it to more than 8 percent. Clearly, India is using its economic tools efficiently and scores way above USA and Japan and if not above then at par with China. Though India has smaller economy than that of USA, Japan and China, it is more people oriented. Even if China is growing faster than India, you’ve to take into account the democracy in India vis-a-vis rule of communist party in China. It is performing well, by growing at one of the highest speed and keeping vital parameters in check. Also the India’s policy is of inclusive growth, and now even lower class is enjoying fruits of implementation of new economic policies rolled out in 1991 by trickledown effect. Thus economic policies of India are better than that of China, Japan or USA.

Clinical Reflection Health Equity And Poverty - 1100 Words

Clinical Reflection: Health Equity and Poverty 1. In order to prepare for this activity there was different types of preparation. First, I read chapter 10, 11 and 13 in the textbook. (Citation.) Next I explored multiple websites. I reviewed the Minnesota Compass (2016) to look at stats and trends for poverty. Next, I read the Minnesota Without Poverty (2016) website to learn about how Minnesota plans on reducing and ending poverty. Following that I reviewed websites that looked at poverty in the United States. Poverty USA (2016a) displayed life in poverty with statistics and how it impacts families and individuals lives. Lastly, I looked at statistics that depicted food insecurities from Feeding America (2014), and Second Harvest Heartland (2016). To complete my preparation, I took a poverty quiz from Poverty USA (2016b) to see how much information I did know about poverty. All of the preparation helped me get an overview how prevalent poverty is not only in the county but in our own state. It is something that honestly surprised having grown up in poverty myself. I see how poverty goes across generations and that there is so much that we can do to fight poverty, and one is just keeping people from having to search for food to live. 2. During the simulation activity I was a 17-year-old boy who lived with his little sister and mom. The dad unexpectedly left the family, and no one had a job or money. I got a girl pregnant and was a drug dealing gang. It was really hard to doShow MoreRelatedThe National Aboriginal Community Controlled Health Organisation1382 Words   |  6 PagesNational Aboriginal Community Controlled Health Organisation, (NACCHO) is an existing representation of the hope of Aboriginal communities and their fight for self-rule. NACCHO is the nationwide climax organization representative. It controls over 150 Aboriginal Community Health Services (ACCHSs) across the country on Aboriginal health and issues. BACKGROUND The National Aboriginal Community Controlled Health Organisation (NACCHO) was established in 1992Read MoreThe National Aboriginal Community Controlled Health Organisation1407 Words   |  6 PagesControlled Health Organisation, (NACCHO) is an existing representation of the hope of Aboriginal communities and their fight for self-rule. NACCHO is the nationwide climax organization representative. It controls over 150 Aboriginal Community Health Services (ACCHSs) across the country on Aboriginal health and issues. BACKGROUND Since the 1970’s, many Indigenous communities have established their own independent, community-controlled health services (ACCHs)Read MoreAffordable Care Act Of Us Mandatory Health Coverage1441 Words   |  6 Pages Affordable Care Act in USA: Mandatory Health Coverage The healthcare system in America is a market based system that functions by relying on the structures of an efficient market. The principles of demand and supply are instrumental in determining the functionality of the healthcare system in USA. One of the factors that has contributed to this reality is the fact that healthcare in the US is provided by various distinct organizations which are largely owned by private businesses. Indeed, 21% ofRead MoreSocial Justice Essay2389 Words   |  10 Pagesdisadvantaged and â€Å"facilitate change in public policy to intervene and promote social justice†¦many of the determinants of health are beyond an individual’s control, the interventions needed are likewise what a single person can do. Nurses can be advocates for policy changes to improve social, economic, and environmental factors that predispose vulnerable populations to poor health† (Stanhope amp; Lancaster, p. 391, 2010). The purpose of this paper will examine the topic of social justice that I chooseRead MoreDiscourse on Aboriginal Health Care7025 Words   |  29 Pageshead: THE INFLUENCE OF DISCOURSE ON HEALTH CARE The Discourse of On Reserve Housing Mary Ratensperger Athabasca University Centre of Nursing Science MNS 620 Culture and Health Margo deJong Berg The Discourse of On Reserve Housing The substance of this paper will be to discuss the discourse regarding the inequalities facing aboriginal peoples living on reserves in the northwestern corner of Ontario. Inequality is not naturally occurring; poverty is not an innate cultural trait thatRead MoreDefining Sexual Abuse And Its Ambiguities2505 Words   |  11 Pages Definitions of child sexual abuse can be broken down into statutory definitions and clinical definitions. â€Å"There are two types of statutes in which definitions of sexual abuse can be found – child protection (civil) and criminal and although clinical definitions of sexual abuse are related to statutes, the guiding principle is whether the encounter has a traumatic impact on the child† (U.S. Department of Health and Human Services). However, indicators of sexual abuse between adults are more clearlyRead Morehealth promotion: concept analysis Essay examples4054 Words   |  17 Pagesï » ¿The Concept Analysis of Health Promotion Abstract Health promotion (HP) is a multi-dimensional and complex concept which the researcher is frequently used and defined in different ways. One of the nursing roles for nurses is the promoter of health; therefore it would be useful to attempt to clarify the concept. This article develops a concept analysis is to clarify the meaning of an existing concept of HP using the process developed by Pender, Murdaugh, and Parsons (2006). The method suggestedRead MoreCultural Competency Definitions8081 Words   |  33 PagesCULTURAL COMPETENCY DEFINITIONS – A paper to inform development of Cultural Competency Framework for First Nations and Aboriginal Peoples of British Columbia, Canada Cultural Definitions in health care – what does it all mean? There are many definitions and iterations of culture in health care – all with different meanings but many with overlaps. In order to develop a Cultural competency framework, it will be important for stakeholders to agree on what ‘cultural competency’ means and the differencesRead Moreethical decision making16006 Words   |  65 PagesCHAPTER 11 Ethics and Health Pat Kurtz and Ronald L. Burr Authors Go Here Authors Go Here Authors Go Here Visit http://nursing.jbpub.com/communityhealth for Visit http://nursing.jbpub.com/communityhealth interactive exercises, review questions, WebLinks for interactive exercises, review questions, and more. Web links, and more.  © Jones and Bartlett Publishers, LLC. NOT FOR SALE OR DISTRIBUTION. 1786X_CH11_248_269.pdf 248 12/30/08 10:30:24 AM REFLECTIONS It has become appallinglyRead MoreCase Study16130 Words   |  65 Pages Leading change 18 Case study 2: The Institute of Public Health in Ireland 19 Case study text: The Institute of Public Health in Ireland 19 The work of the Institute 19 Beginnings 20 Initial challenges 20 Strategy implementation 22 Vision and values 22 Leadership style 23 Management board 24 Working across the border 24 Learning 25 Case study questions: The Institute of Public Health in Ireland 28 Individual change 28 Team change

How Does Divorce Affect Children - 1364 Words

HOW DOES DIVORCE AFFECT CHILDREN? By Angela Russell Suzanne Sutphin Soc201 March 19, 2016 HOW DOES DIVORCE AFFECT CHILDREN Introduction I. Statistics of Divorce A. Divorce rates in early 1900s 1. Reasons for divorce in early 1900s B. Divorce Rate in 2000s 1. Reasons for divorce in 2000s II. How kids handle divorce A. Attitude 1. School life 2. Home life B. Blame 1. One parent vs the other parent 2. Anger III. Helping kids handle the split A. Therapy 1. One on one therapy 2. Family counseling B. Conversation 1. Explanation 2. Acceptance Conclusion Angela Russell Suzanne Sutphin Soc201 March 19, 2016 HOW DOES DIVORCE AFFECT CHILDREN? Divorce is hard on all the parties involved. Kids tend to blame themselves for the divorce and think†¦show more content†¦It is the fierce ripping apart of their parents, a loss of stability and often a complete shock. While we often think of children as resilient, going through such trauma is a lot to ask of our kids. More than 30 years of research continues to disclose the negative effects of divorce on children. Most of these measurable effects are calculated in increased risks. In other words, while divorce does not signify these effects will definitely occur in your child, it does greatly enhance the risks. Before you say, Not my kid, remember that the children and teens represented in these statistics are ordinary kids, probably not much different from yours. The odds are simply against your kids if you divorce. For pre-schoolers, the family and particularly their parents, is the center of their world. They need a lot of attention, care, love and support from them. As a result of the divorce, they might become even more dependent of their parents. Divorced parents detail that after the divorce, their juvenile children begin bed watering again and that they could not or did not want to do simple tasks that they were able to before. Probably, this is their way of getting closer to their parents. Children of divorced parents often are more aggressive toward their parents and teachers. Depression, learning difficulties and problems getting along with their peers are often note. The impact of effects of divorce on children is negative. They more likely to be referred for psychological